Wolfgang HERLES (ehem. Leiter ZDF-Studio Bonn): Themen von Regierung vorgegeben, Anweisungen von oben…

globalcrisis/globalchange NEWS
Martin Zeis, 31.01.2016

Nicht, dass die weiter unten dokumentierten Aussagen des Dr. Wolfgang HERLES (ehemaliger Leiter des ZDF-Studios Bonn) neu wären. Es wird jedoch in seltener Offenheit von einem leitenden ZDF-Journalisten mitgeteilt, dass die Öffentlich-Rechtlichen Regierungsjournalismus betreiben, Themen, über die berichtet wird, von der Regierung vorgegeben werden und es direkte Anweisungen von oben (Chefredakteur) gibt, wie zu berichten ist.

Grüße,
Martin Zeis

==========

 

29. Januar 2016, 19:15 Uhr
Medienquartett: Bitte nicht stören! Hauptstadtjournalisten unter sich -Deutschland Funk

29. Januar 2016, 19:15 Uhr

Medienquartett: Bitte nicht stören! Hauptstadtjournalisten unter sich

Länge 43:06 Minuten
Autor Floto, Christian
Hören bis 6. August 2016 – 20:15 Uhr
Sendung Das Kulturgespräch
Audio hören Mediatheklink
Text zum Beitrag Medienquartett „Bitte nicht stören! Hauptstadtjournalisten unter sich“

 

Medienquartett

„Bitte nicht stören! Hauptstadtjournalisten unter sich“
Die Bundespressekonferenz ist ein Kuriosum. Überall auf der Welt bitten Spitzenpolitiker Journalisten zur Pressekonferenz. Nicht so in Berlin. Hier ist es genau umgekehrt: Die Journalisten laden ein, Persönlichkeiten aus Politik, Wirtschaft und Kultur kommen. Und wer die Musik bezahlt, bestimmt, was gespielt wird.

Moderation: Christian Floto (…)

Gesprächsgäste:

  • Dr. Wolfgang Herles, ehem. Leiter des ZDF-Studios Bonn und ehem. Chef der ZDF-Sendung Aspekte
  • Dr. Christiane Hoffmann, stv. Leiterin des Hauptstadtbüros Der Spiegel
  • Tilo Jung, Chefredakteur Jung&Naiv
  • Holger Schmale, stv. Chefredakteur DuMont Hauptstadtredaktion

Über den Button Mediatheklink kann man die Sendung (Audio) anhören und stößt im Bereich 27:44 bis 29:12 min auf folgende interessante Mitteilungen von Dr. Wolfgang HERLES zum Thema Regierungsjournalismus, die folgend transkribiert werden:

HERLES „Wir haben ja das Problem, dass – jetzt spreche ich wieder überwiegend vom Öffentlich-Rechtlichen – dass wir eine Regierungsnähe haben. Nicht nur dadurch, dass überwiegend so kommentiert wird, wie es der Großen Koalition entspricht, dem Meinungsspektrum, sondern auch dadurch, dass wir vollkommen der Agenda auf den Leim gehen, die die Politik vorgibt. Das heißt, die Themen, über die berichtet wird, werden von der Regierung vorgegeben. Es gibt aber viele Themen, die wären wichtiger, als das, was die Regierung – die natürlich auch ablenken will von dem was nicht passiert, aber das, was nicht passiert, ist oft wichtiger als das, was passiert – wichtiger als die Symbolpolitik, die betrieben wird…”

Moderator FLOTO an Tilo JUNG “Tilo Jung…”

HERLES sofort weiter: “Also wir gehen der Agenda auf den Leim. Und es gibt tatsächlich, das muss ich jetzt an der Stelle doch nochmal sagen, weil es ja in der öffentlichen Diskussion ist, es gibt tatsächlich Anweisungen von oben. Auch im ZDF sagt der Chefredakteur: Freunde, wir müssen so berichten, dass es Europa und dem Gemeinwohl dient und da braucht er in Klammern gar nicht mehr dazusagen, wie es der Frau Merkel gefällt. Solche Anweisungen gibt es. Die gab es auch zu meiner Zeit. Es gab eine schriftliche Anweisung, dass das ZDF der Herstellung der Einheit Deutschlands zu dienen habe und das ist was anderes, als zu berichten, was ist. Wir durften damals nichts Negatives über die neuen Bundesländer sagen. Heute darf man nichts Negatives über die Flüchtlinge sagen. Das ist Regierungsjournalismus und das führt dazu, das Leute das Vertrauen in uns verlieren. Das ist der Skandal.”

Must read: Chris Arnade, Former Citigroup Trader, Explains How Wall Street Came to Own the Clintons and the Democratic Party

globalcrisis/globalchange NEWS
Martin Zeis, 30.01.2016

Dear all,

in his open-hearted commitment Chris ARNADE, former Citigroup FX*-Trader, illustrates how Wallstreet took over the Clintons, the Democratic Party, the US-legislation, attendant creating the Monster of Universe, which sucks dry and destroys the whole planet.

* The foreign exchange market (forex, FX, or currency market) is a global decentralized market for the trading of currencies.

— the libertyblitzkrieg-article is also attached (pdf-file)  —
Former Citigroup Trader Explains How Wall Street Came to Own the Clintons and the Democratic Party
By Michael Krieger | Posted Friday Jan 29, 2016 at 1:45 pm
Former FX trader at Citigroup, Chris Arnade, just penned a poignant and entertaining Op-ed at The Guardian detailing how Wall Street came to own the Democratic Party via the Clintons over the course of his career. While anyone reading this already knows how completely bought and paid for the Clintons are by the big financial interests, the article provides some interesting anecdotes as well as a classic quote about a young Larry Summers.
„… I owe almost my entire Wall Street career to the Clintons. I am not alone; most bankers owe their careers, and their wealth, to them. Over the last 25 years they – with the Clintons it is never just Bill or Hillary – implemented policies that placed Wall Street at the center of the Democratic economic agenda, turning it from a party against Wall Street to a party of Wall Street.
That is why when I recently went to see Hillary Clinton campaign for president and speak about reforming Wall Street I was skeptical. What I heard hasn’t changed that skepticism. The policies she offers are mid-course corrections. In the Clintons’ world, Wall Street stays at the center, economically and politically. Given Wall Street’s power and influence, that is a dangerous place to leave them.
The administration’s economic policy took shape as trickle down, Democratic style. They championed free trade, pushing Nafta. They reformed welfare, buying into the conservative view that poverty was about dependency, not about situation. They threw the old left a few bones, repealing prior tax cuts on the rich, but used the increased revenues mostly on Wall Street’s favorite issue: cutting the debt.
Most importantly, when faced with their first financial crisis, they bailed out Wall Street.
That crisis came in January 1995, halfway through the administration’s first term. Mexico, after having boomed from the optimism surrounding Nafta, went bust. It was a huge embarrassment for the administration, given the push they had made for Nafta against a cynical Democratic party.
Money was fleeing Mexico, and much of it was coming back through me and my firm. Selling investors’ Mexican bonds was my first job on Wall Street, and now they were trying to sell them back to us. But we hadn’t just sold Mexican bonds to clients, instead we did it using new derivatives product to get around regulatory issues and take advantages of tax rules, and lend the clients money. Given how aggressive we were, and how profitable it was for us, older traders kept expecting to be stopped by regulators from the new administration, but that didn’t happen.
When Mexico started to collapse, the shudders began. Initially our firm lost only tens of millions, a large loss but not catastrophic. The crisis however was worsening, and Mexico was headed towards a default, or closing its border to money flows. We stood to lose hundreds of millions, something we might not have survived. Other Wall Street firms were in worse shape, having done the trade in a much bigger size. The biggest was rumored to be Lehman, which stood to lose billions, a loss they couldn’t have survived.
As the crisis unfolded, senior management traveled to DC as part of a group of bankers to meet with Treasury officials. They had hoped to meet with Rubin, who was now Treasury secretary. Instead they met with the undersecretary for international affairs who my boss described as: “Some young egghead academic who likes himself a lot and is wide eyed with a taste of power.” That egghead was Larry Summers who would succeed Rubin as Treasury Secretary.
The bailout worked, with Mexico edging away from a crisis, allowing it to repay the loans, at profit. It also worked wonders on Wall Street, which let out a huge sigh of relief.
The success encouraged the administration, which used it as an economic blueprint that emphasized Wall Street. It also emphasized bailouts, believing it was counterproductive to let banks fail, or to punish them with losses, or fines or, God forbid, charge them with crimes, and risk endangering the economy.
The use of bailouts should have also been a reason to heavily regulate Wall Street, to prevent behavior that would require a bailout. But the administration didn’t do that; instead they went the opposite direction and continued to deregulate it, culminating in the repeal of Glass Steagall in 1999.
It changed the trading floor, which started to fill with Democrats. On my trading floor, Robert Rubin, who had joined my firm after leaving the administration, held traders attention by telling long stories and jokes about Bill Clinton to wide-eyed traders.
Wall Street now had both political parties working for them, and really nobody holding them accountable. Now, no trade was too aggressive, no risk too crazy, no behavior to unethical and no loss too painful. It unleashed a boom that produced plenty of smaller crisis (Russia, Dotcom), before culminating in the housing and financial crisis of 2008.“
For related articles on Hillary’s long standing Wall Street love affair, see:

CLINTONS-owned-by-Wallstreet160129.pdf

Jörg Kronauer: Terror zu wessen Nutzen?

Vortrag Jörg Kronauer: Terror zu wessen Nutzen? 25.1.2016 München

Veröffentlicht am 27.01.2016

Zur Interessenkonfrontation zwischen NATO, Russland, dem IS und Saudi-Arabien in Syrien.
Wer ist der sogenannte „Islamische Staat“ (IS)? Wer hat ihn unterstützt und nutzen wollen? Warum greift die Bundesregierung mit bewaffneten Truppen ein? Wer steht an ihrer Seite? Und welche Rolle spielt Russland (Putin und die Achse Moskau-Peking) in dieser Auseinandersetzung?
Ein Vortrag des Sozialwissenschaftlers und freien Journalisten Jörg Kronauer am 25. Januar 2016 in München. Er publiziert zur extremen Rechten und zur deutschen Außenpolitik. Redakteur von Informationen zur deutschen Außenpolitik (german-foreign-policy.de) und veröffentlicht regelmäßig in jungeWelt, konkret und anderen Printmedien. Er lebt in London.

Presseschau vom 29.01.2016

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The Dirty War on Syria: Washington, Regime Change and Resistance

The Dirty War on Syria: Washington, Regime Change and Resistance
By Prof. Tim Anderson
Global Research, January 29, 2016

Image left: Professor Tim Anderson, distinguished author and senior lecturer of political economy at the University of Sydney, Australia

Global Research is launching Professor Tim Anderson’s timely and important book on Syria.

The E-book is available for purchase from Global Research

Tim Anderson has written the best systematic critique of western fabrications justifying the war against the Assad government.

No other text brings together all the major accusations and their effective refutation.

This text is essential reading for all peace and justice activists. -James Petras, Author and Bartle Professor (Emeritus) of Sociology at Binghamton University, New York, Research Associate of the Centre for Research on Globalization.

Tim Anderson’s important new book, titled “The Dirty War on Syria” discusses US naked aggression – “rely(ing) on a level of mass disinformation not seen in living memory,” he explains.

ISIS is the pretext for endless war without mercy, Assad the target, regime change the objective, wanting pro-Western puppet governance replacing Syrian sovereign independence.

There’s nothing civil about war in Syria, raped by US imperialism, partnered with rogue allies. Anderson’s book is essential reading to understand what’s going on. Stephen Lendman, Distinguished Author and Research Associate of the Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG), Host of the Progressive Radio News Hour on the Progressive Radio Network.

Professor Anderson demonstrates unequivocally through carefully documented research that America’s “Moderate Opposition” are bona fide Al Qaeda affiliated terrorists created and protected by the US and its allies, recruited and trained by Saudi Arabia, Turkey, in liaison with Washington and Brussels.

Through careful analysis, professor Anderson reveals the “unspoken truth”: the “war on terrorism” is fake, the United States is a “State sponsor of terrorism” involved in a criminal undertaking. Michel Chossudovsky, Director of the Centre for Research on Globalization, Professor of Economics (Emeritus), University of Ottawa.

Click here to purchase Tim Anderson’s Book (pdf)

Excerpts from the Preface of Professor Anderson’s book

Although every war makes ample use of lies and deception, the dirty war on Syria has relied on a level of mass disinformation not seen in living memory. The British-Australian journalist Philip Knightley pointed out that war propaganda typically involves ‘a depressingly predictable pattern’ of demonising the enemy leader, then demonising the enemy people through atrocity stories, real or imagined (Knightley 2001). Accordingly, a mild-mannered eye doctor called Bashar al Assad became the “new evil” in the world and, according to consistent western media reports, the Syrian Army did nothing but kill civilians for more than four years. To this day, many imagine the Syrian conflict is a ‘civil war’, a ‘popular revolt’ or some sort of internal sectarian conflict. These myths are, in many respects, a substantial achievement for the big powers which have driven a series of ‘regime change’ operations in the Middle East region, all on false pretexts, over the past fifteen years.

Click image to purchase Tim Anderson’s Book (pdf)

This book is a careful academic work, but also a strong defence of the right of the Syrian people to determine their own society and political system. That position is consistent with international law and human rights principles, but may irritate western sensibilities, accustomed as we are to an assumed prerogative to intervene. At times I have to be blunt, to cut through the double-speak. In Syria the big powers have sought to hide their hand, using proxy armies while demonising the Syrian Government and Army, accusing them of constant atrocities; then pretending to rescue the Syrian people from their own government. Far fewer western people opposed the war on Syria than opposed the invasion of Iraq, because they were deceived about its true nature.

In 2011 I had only a basic understanding of Syria and its history. However, I was deeply suspicious when reading of the violence that erupted in the southern border town of Daraa. I knew that such violence (sniping at police and civilians, the use of semi-automatic weapons) does not spring spontaneously from street demonstrations. And I was deeply suspicious of the big powers. All my life I had been told lies about the pretexts for war. I decided to research the Syrian conflict, reading hundreds of books and articles, watching many videos and speaking to as many Syrians as I could. I wrote dozens of articles and visited Syria twice, during the conflict. This book is a result of that research.

I would go so far as to say that, in waging the Dirty War on Syria, western culture in general abandoned its better traditions: of reason, the maintenance of ethical principle and the search for independent evidence at times of conflict; in favour of its worst traditions: the ‘imperial prerogative’ for intervention, backed by deep racial prejudice and poor reflection on the histories of their own cultures. That weakness was reinforced by a ferocious campaign of war propaganda. After the demonisation of Syrian leader Bashar al Assad began, a virtual information blockade was constructed against anything which might undermine the wartime storyline. Very few sensible western perspectives on Syria emerged after 2011, as critical voices were effectively blacklisted.

In that context I came to write this book. It is a defence of Syria. This is a resource book and a contribution to the history of the Syrian conflict. The western stories have become self-indulgent and I believe it is wasteful to indulge them too much. Best, I think, to speak of current events as they are, then address the smokescreens later. I do not ignore the western myths, in fact this book documents many of them. But I lead with the reality of the war.

Click here to purchase Tim Andersons’s Book (pdf)

 

Chapter Overview:

Chapter 1, ‘Syria and Washington’s ‘New Middle East’’ puts Syria in context of the US plans for a ‘New Middle East’, the latest chapter in a longer history of US attempts to dominate the region.

Chapter 2, ‘Barrel Bombs, Partisan Sources and War Propaganda’ addresses the problem of reporting and reading the Syrian crisis. Media channels have shown a hyperreliance on partisan sources, committed to the war and denigrating the Syrian Army. This is the key barrier to understanding the controversies around chemical weapons, civilian massacres and the levels of support for or opposition to President Assad.

Chapter 3, ‘Daraa 2011: Another Islamist Insurrection’ reconstructs, from a range of sources, the Saudi-backed Islamist insurrection in Daraa in March 2011. Those armed attacks were quite distinct from the political reform rallies, which the Islamists soon drove off the streets.

Chapter 4, ‘Bashar al Assad and Political Reform’ explains the political reform movement from the time Bashar assumed the presidency in the year 2000 to the beginning of the crisis in 2011. From this we can see that most opposition groups were committed to reform within a Syrian context, with virtually all opposing attacks on the Syrian state. The chapter then reviews the role of Bashar as a reformer, and the evidence on his popularity.

Chapter 5, ‘The Empire’s Jihadis’ looks at the collaboration between Salafist political Islam and the imperial powers in the Middle East. Distinct from the anti-imperial Islamic currents in Iran and south Lebanon, Salafist political Islam has become a sectarian force competing with Arab nationalism across Egypt, Palestine and Syria, and drawing on long standing collaborative relations with the big powers. This history provides important background to the character of Syria’s Islamist ‘revolution’, and its various slogans.

Chapter 6, ‘Embedded Media, Embedded Watchdogs’ identifies the propaganda techniques of media channels and the network of ‘human rights’ bodies (Human Rights Watch, Avaaz, etc) which function as megaphones and ‘moderators’ for the Washington agenda. Many have become fierce advocates for ‘humanitarian war’. A number of newer western NGOs (e.g. The Syria Campaign, The White Helmets) have been created by Wall Street agencies specifically for the dirty war on Syria. A number of their fabrications are documented here.

Chapter 7, ‘The Houla Massacre Revisited’ considers in detail the evidence from the first major massacre designed (following success of the technique over Libya) to influence UN Security Council consideration of military intervention. While the first UN inquiry group, actually in Syria, found contradictory evidence on this massacre, a second UN group outside Syria and co-chaired by a US diplomat, tried to blame the Syrian Government. Yet more than a dozen witnesses blamed Farouq FSA Islamists, who killed pro-government villagers and took over the area, holding it for some months. Several other ‘false flag’ massacres are noted.

Chapter 8, ‘Chemical Fabrications: the East Ghouta Incident’ details the second major ‘false flag’ incident of international significance. This incident in August 2013, which nearly sparked a major escalation involving US missile attacks on Syria, was used to accuse the Syrian Government of killing hundreds of civilians, including children, with chemical weapons. Within a fairly short time multiple sources of independent evidence (including North American evidence) disproved these accusations. Nevertheless, Syria’s opponents have repeated the false accusations, to this day, as though they were fact.

Chapter 9 , ‘A Responsibility to Protect and the Double Game’ addresses a recent political doctrine, a subset of ‘humanitarian intervention’ popularised to add to the imperial toolkit. The application of this doctrine in Libya was disastrous for that little country. Fortunately the attempts to use it in Syria failed.

Al Kindi hospital (Aleppo) as it was being demolished by two truck bombs, December 2013. The operation was carried out by Jabhat al Nusra (see logo top right) and its FSA partners. Afterwards the Islamist-linked ‘Physicians for Human Rights’ tried to blame the Syrian Government for this destruction. Photo: Jabhat al Nusra

Chapter 10, ‘Health and Sanctions’ documents the NATO-backed Islamist attacks on Syria’s health system, linked to the impact of western economic sanctions. These twin currents have caused great damage to Syrian public health. Such attacks carry no plausible motive of seeking local popular support, so we must interpret them as part of an overall strategy to degrade the Syrian state, rendering it more vulnerable to outside intervention.

Chapter 11 ‘Washington, Terrorism and ISIS: the evidence’, documents the links between the big powers and the latest peak terrorist group they claim to be fighting. Only evidence can help develop informed opinion on this contentious matter, but the evidence is overwhelming. There is little ideological difference between the various Salafi-Islamist groups, and Washington and its allies have financed and armed every one of them.

Chapter 12, ‘Western Intervention and the Colonial Mind’ discusses the western cultural mindset that underlies persistent violations of the rights of other peoples.

Chapter 13 ‘Towards an Independent Middle East’, considers the end-game in the Syrian crisis, and its implications for the Middle East region. At tremendous cost the Syrian Arab Republic, its army and its people, have successfully resisted aggression from a variety of powerful enemies. Syria’s survival is due to its resilience and internal unity, bolstered by support from some strong allies. The introduction of Russian air power in late September 2015 was important. So too were the coordinated ground forces from Iran, Iraq and Lebanon, in support of an independent Syria.

When the attacks on Syria abate the Middle East seems set to be transformed, with greater political will and military preparedness on the part of an expanded Axis of Resistance. That will signal the beginning of the end for Washington’s 15 year spree of bloodshed and ‘regime change’ across the entire region.

Click here to buy the PDF

Prof. Tim Anderson has degrees in economics and international politics, and a doctorate on the political economy of economic liberalisation in Australia. He teaches at the University of Sydney.

The original source of this article is Global Research
Copyright © Prof. Tim Anderson, Global Research, 2016

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Leseempfehlung: Vorurteile zur Flüchtlingsfrage- ISW Fred SCHMID

globalcrisis/globalchange NEWS

Hallo an die Liste,
auf eine Leseempfehlung von Jens Wernicke hin teile ich seine Einschätzung, dass die Argumentation von Fred Schmid et al. im für Februar angekündigten ISW-Report einen wichtigen Beitrag zur Versachlichung der deutschen Flüchtlingsdebatte darstellt.

See files attached to this message pdf 13 S.

Wider die Asyllügen und Vorurteile

Fred Schmid · Montag den 25. Januar 2016
Vorveröffentlichung

aus dem isw-Report 104 „Auf der Flucht“, der Mitte Februar erscheint.

Fakten und Argumente zum Thema Flüchtlinge und Asyl
„1990 haben kritische Wirtschafts- und SozialwissenschaftlerInnen zusammen mit GewerkschafterInnen in München das isw – Institut für sozial-ökologische

Wirtschaftsforschung

e.V. gegründet. Seitdem haben wir fast zweihundert Studien und Berichte veröffentlicht.[Weiterlesen…]“

Ciao Stephan Best


Stephan Best
sbest
steven25.com

isw-muenchen.de.pdf

Presseschau vom 28.01.2016

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Presseschau vom 26.01.2016

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